Thursday, April 20, 2017
Monday, April 3, 2017
DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS OF PAKISTAN: FACTS ARE FACTS The untold story of India’s Partition by WALI KHAN
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Chapter 3:
DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS OF PAKISTAN:
The Governor of North West Frontier Province, Sir George Cunningham, wrote to the Viceroy that upon his return from the Muslim League Convention, Sardar Aurangzeb reported to him: “The scheme which they [Muslim League] were now contemplating would involve the creation of 6 or 7 Indian dominions—and that this novel scheme now holds the field in preference to the original Pakistan proposal.”...
......These were different schemes. Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, a student of Cambridge, had an esoteric scheme for Pakistan. Sir Mohammad Iqbal proposed yet another format. What remained to be seen was what the British had up their sleeves?......
The British Concept of Pakistan:
The above schemes were being hatched by the Muslims. The final decision rested with the British. When the British saw that their objectives could not be met by the schemes presented by Sikander Hayat Khan or the Muslim League Working Committee, they unilaterally rejected all the proposals submitted by the Muslims. Chaudhry Zafarullah, a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, was asked to submit a map of two dominions. On that subject, on 12 March 1940, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow wrote to the Secretary of Stale for India: "Upon my instruction Zafarullah wrote a memorandum on the subject. Two Dominion States. I have already sent it to your attention. I have also asked him for further clarification, which, he says, is forthcoming. He is anxious, however, that no one should find out that he has prepared this plan. He has, however, given me the right to do with it what I like, including sending a copy to you. Copies have been passed on to Jinnah, and, I think, to Sir Akbar Hydari. While he, Zafarullah, cannot admit its authorship, his document has been prepared for adoption by the Muslim League with a view to giving it the fullest publicity."The Viceroy explains this further. Since Zafarullah was a Qadiani he had to be cautious. The Muslims would become irritated if they found that this scheme was prepared by a Qadiani. The Viceroy said that Jinnah had been given a copy to make the Muslim League adopt it and publicise its contents. Sir Akbar was given a copy because he was responsible for fund raising.
The dates take on a special significance. The Viceroy' s letter to the Secretary of State was written on 12 April 1940.The Pakistan scheme had been dispatched earlier. Twelve days later the Muslim League adopted this very proposal at their Lahore Annual Meeting. It was called Pakistan Agreement.
Muslim League, A British Party:
When the Muslim League accepted the Viceroy's proposal [author, Sir Zafarullah], the British were convinced of their dependability. It was natural, then, for the British to refuse to recognize the existence of any party other than the Muslim League.......
........The British deliberately ignored those Muslims, who, along with the Congress, were struggling for freedom. Their very faith was called "questionable". More than 1000 representatives, who had gathered together under the leadership of an elected Chief Minister, were totally disregarded. The Viceroy did not mince his words when he wrote to the Secretary of State that "Jinnah is our man and we accept him as a representative of all Muslims."......
Jinnah and State Governments:Chapter 3:
DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS OF PAKISTAN:
The Governor of North West Frontier Province, Sir George Cunningham, wrote to the Viceroy that upon his return from the Muslim League Convention, Sardar Aurangzeb reported to him: “The scheme which they [Muslim League] were now contemplating would involve the creation of 6 or 7 Indian dominions—and that this novel scheme now holds the field in preference to the original Pakistan proposal.”...
......These were different schemes. Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, a student of Cambridge, had an esoteric scheme for Pakistan. Sir Mohammad Iqbal proposed yet another format. What remained to be seen was what the British had up their sleeves?......
The British Concept of Pakistan:
The above schemes were being hatched by the Muslims. The final decision rested with the British. When the British saw that their objectives could not be met by the schemes presented by Sikander Hayat Khan or the Muslim League Working Committee, they unilaterally rejected all the proposals submitted by the Muslims. Chaudhry Zafarullah, a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, was asked to submit a map of two dominions. On that subject, on 12 March 1940, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow wrote to the Secretary of Stale for India: "Upon my instruction Zafarullah wrote a memorandum on the subject. Two Dominion States. I have already sent it to your attention. I have also asked him for further clarification, which, he says, is forthcoming. He is anxious, however, that no one should find out that he has prepared this plan. He has, however, given me the right to do with it what I like, including sending a copy to you. Copies have been passed on to Jinnah, and, I think, to Sir Akbar Hydari. While he, Zafarullah, cannot admit its authorship, his document has been prepared for adoption by the Muslim League with a view to giving it the fullest publicity."The Viceroy explains this further. Since Zafarullah was a Qadiani he had to be cautious. The Muslims would become irritated if they found that this scheme was prepared by a Qadiani. The Viceroy said that Jinnah had been given a copy to make the Muslim League adopt it and publicise its contents. Sir Akbar was given a copy because he was responsible for fund raising.
The dates take on a special significance. The Viceroy' s letter to the Secretary of State was written on 12 April 1940.The Pakistan scheme had been dispatched earlier. Twelve days later the Muslim League adopted this very proposal at their Lahore Annual Meeting. It was called Pakistan Agreement.
Muslim League, A British Party:
When the Muslim League accepted the Viceroy's proposal [author, Sir Zafarullah], the British were convinced of their dependability. It was natural, then, for the British to refuse to recognize the existence of any party other than the Muslim League.......
........The British deliberately ignored those Muslims, who, along with the Congress, were struggling for freedom. Their very faith was called "questionable". More than 1000 representatives, who had gathered together under the leadership of an elected Chief Minister, were totally disregarded. The Viceroy did not mince his words when he wrote to the Secretary of State that "Jinnah is our man and we accept him as a representative of all Muslims."......
When the Congress resigned from eight provinces, pursuant to Section 93, the Governor's rule was established. Jinnah requested the Viceroy to appoint political, unofficial advisers in each one of these eight provinces. This meant that the Muslim League would assume an advisory role in each one of the provinces vacated by the Congress Government. According to Jinnah's proposal, "Hindu provinces" should also have been handed over to the Muslim League. Not only did the League have no official status in any of these provinces, it had never won a single election! Therefore, by making this demand, Jinnah finally incurred the displeasure of the British.
.......The British knew that behind the facade presented by Jinnah, the Muslim League was a shambles. On 28 August 1940, he wrote, "I hope that Sikander and Fazlul Haq will be able to bring pressure on Jinnah to make him toe the line; if he does not, I shall go without him."........The British were well aware that the Muslim Leaguer lacked any foundation; he leaned heavily upon English crutches. If those were pulled from under him, he would fall on his face. The British had no doubt that there would always be a sufficient number of sycophants among Muslims who they could count upon. When the word got around that the British were annoyed with Jinnah, every Muslim leader started offering his services. ..........The British were deliberately giving so much importance to Jinnah and the Muslim League because they were convinced that if ever there was any talk of a settlement between the Congress and the Muslim League, Jinnah having reached a point of no return, would never agree. He knew that the Muslim League drew its entire strength from British support. On their part, the British had agreed that either Jinnah would implement their policies or they would implement them on their own, without Jinnah.
During this time Jinnah made the following demand:
"The Muslim League should be taken into full and equal partnership with His Majesty's Government in the ruling of this country, and authority shared with them. "[Viceroy's letter, dated 5 September 1940]..........The British were indifferent to the condition of the Muslims, and skeptical about the viability of Pakistan. They were using the League as an anti-Congress missile, hoping, that in case of an open challenge, they would be able to fire it at the enemy.
...... The British wanted to parade Jinnah and the Muslim League before an international audience. An opportunity arose when on the invitation of the British, the Chinese President Chiang Kai-shek visited India. He expressed interest in meeting Gandhiji and Jawaharlal Nehru. The Viceroy wrote back saying that since he was not on speaking terms with these leaders it would be difficult to arrange a meeting. On 26 January 1942 he wrote to the Secretary of State for India, "I know you would at once take the point of his seeing Jinnah as well as the other two. I shall have to coax him to receive the Head of the Muslim League whether he feels inclined or not."....The only reason for strengthening the Muslim League was to make it a worthy opponent to the Congress. Ambedkar, too, supported the political split while the power remained in British hands.....“He [Ambedkar] was perfectly content himself, he said, with that state of things, and in favour of the Pakistan idea, because it meant that the British will have to stay in India.”The Secretary of State for India in his letter dated 24 March 1942, makes his position clear, "Jinnah, I shall have thought, will be content to realise that he has now got his Pakistan in essence, whether something substantive, or a bargaining point."
Having been thus assured that he would get his Pakistan, why would Jinnah bother reconciling with the Congress? The British had laid a couple of strict conditions. First, the Muslim League and the Congress had to affect a reconciliation agreement, and secondly, they had to protect the rights of the minorities. Since these conditions could never be fulfilled who was the loser? Jinnah would never get Pakistan and the Congress would lose their eight over provinces. The British had won hands down!...
.......It was an absurd situation. The British had accepted the principles of partition, but the Congress was violently opposed. And how could the Congress be overlooked? It were the Congress’ efforts which had shown up all the way, Congress movement, Congress protest, Congress sacrifice, Congress.....imprisonment, Congress abdication. The Congress did all the work and the Muslim League got all the plaudits! The Muslim League remained a party minus a movement, minus sacrifices, minus seats in the Elected Assemblies and minus any political power.....Blinded by their self-interest, the British lost all sense of principle or fair play. Despite the fact that the Muslim League was a political non-entity, the British regarded it the sole representative of all Muslims. Another fact worth noting is that out of a population of 40 crores, the Muslims constituted only 25 per cent......On what principle did the British agree to uphold the position of the minority over the majority? How could the British try to impose Jinnah upon the non-Muslim provinces? Would Jinnah have allowed the Congress the same right in the provinces which had a Muslim majority? The British had lost all sense of right or wrong. The truth was that the British cared neither for Muslims nor Hindus. They only cared for the Empire. An impasse between the Congress and the Muslim League was a great advantage to the British. Therefore, they prevented the Muslim League from affecting a conciliation with the Congress. Unfortunately for them, the Muslim League got entangled in its own mesh. The power remained securely lodged with the British. The net gain from the League's dog-in-the-manger attitude was that India fell 'smack' in the British lap......
PREFACE : FACTS ARE FACTS The untold story of India’s Partition by WALI KHAN
This book was written under peculiar circumstances. Imprisoned twice during the terms of Field Marshall Ayub Khan and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, I had the time but lacked the access to reference materials which were necessary for this purpose. Due to my solitary confinement under the Bhutto regime, I could not even lay my hands on pen and paper to jot down my thoughts. With the help of a few books that came my way, however, I tried to put the record straight by presenting the other side of the picture which had, until this time, always been turned to the wall. It is a pity when the Government of the day presents only one point of view before the people and deliberately suppresses every other. The Government of Pakistan was determined to tamper with historical records and give the public a one-dimensional view, so that it could find religious justification for its political decisions. The purpose was to keep the public in a constant state of ignorance. Suffice to say that history was being fabricated rather than recorded. I felt some times that this was a court of law where only the public prosecutor was allowed to present evidence against the accused, while the latter was prohibited from speaking a single word in his defense. I felt as if his hands and feet were manacled and shackled, his lips sealed and his pen confiscated. Could this be called a House of Justice?
These circumstances compelled me to record historical facts, documenting each detail, so that, if not this generation, at least future generations would not be denied access to the truth. I was trying to reveal the true spirit of our political ideology. In my capacity as a member of his political caravan, I felt the inner compulsion to present to my people the truth behind Badshah Khan's Khudai Khidmatgar movement and its struggle for freedom. I used several books and memoirs as documentary evidence for my statements and contentions. And by force of intellect plus the strength of my political upbringing I hope I have proved the truth behind the Pashtu proverb that whatsoever is yellow, round, and sour, is unmistakably a grapefruit!
After having served one prison term under Bhutto, I arrived in London. First there were medical problems which required attention. I then found time to browse through some of the London libraries…. I soon discovered that certain top-secret and highly confidential documents had been placed in the India Office Library, London. According to British law, after the lapse of a 30-year period, every document becomes public property. Therefore, there is no restriction upon reading or making Xerox copies of these highly confidential papers. For some time I had been in search of concrete evidence to support the main contention of this book. It pleased me no end to find what I was looking for; and I have no doubt that based on that evidence, those who read this book will agree that Badshah Khan's politics, and the Khudai Khidmatgar Movement was a thorn in the British flesh. The British wanted to preserve their Empire, no matter what the cost. For this it was essential that the internal freedom movements be nipped in the bud.
It was evident to the British that the Indian National Congress was spearheading the internal freedom movements. The Congress represented all the religious groups in the country; Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians or Parsis, anyone could obtain its membership. The British policy was to support other movements in the country with a view to loosening the Congress grip. On the other hand, there was the matter of India's strategic natural location. Surrounded on three sides by vast oceans, its north was protected by the ramparts of the Himalayan range; a few natural passes were the only means of entering the country by land. The fact that those passes linked the country with the USSR posed the only real danger and threat. It was evident that the Khudai Khidmatgars were being clobbered because they refused to succumb to any of the British strategies. First, it was important to understand the genesis of the Anglo-Russian relationship. Therefore, I began my research by examining the archival manuscripts of the Department of External Affairs.
During the Russian revolution of 1917 when the world witnessed its first ideological state, the British Government devised various strategies to curb its growth. As a matter of routine, the British Viceroy in India used to send his weekly report to the Secretary of State for India in Britain. In return, the Secretary dispatched the government policy, pertaining to India, through a weekly courier service. I had a hunch that my problem might be resolved if I could lay my hands on the correspondence that was exchanged between India and Britain, during the months following the death of Lenin. I felt that these dispatches would contain the key to the change in British policy vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. What I discovered in those documents was far beyond my expectations! For, along with their foreign policy documents, I found detailed analyses of the internal affairs of India. I had never really believed the allegations of my elders, who often accused the British of using the most underhand tactics to promote their policies. Having witnessed the lifelong suffering of Badshah Khan which was always attributed to the treatment he and his loyal followers received, I began to suspect that Badshah Khan's hatred for the British was a biased emotion. To blame them for their excesses against him and his men, was understandable, but to hold them responsible for everything that ever went wrong was absurd.... The Congress blamed Britain for creating communal hatred in the country in order to perpetuate their imperialist policies and strengthen their vice-like hold. I often heard them referred to as the bastards who bit the very hand that had fed them for well over one hundred years. The spark they created became a forest fire of communalism. No one, not even the authors-of the crime, could find a means of quenching the flame. Having listened to these diatribes of my elders, I always attributed them to a common human fallacy whereby one's own shortcomings are laid at the doorstep of whoever is perceived as the "common enemy".
I did, however, believe that there was an underlying element of truth in the views of the Congress and Badshah Khan. But never could I imagine that their allegations were only a pale reflection of the truth; the truth was uglier. Their mischief exceeded our wildest imagination. Badshah Khan's and Congress’ allegations were far short of the truth. If there was the slightest doubt earlier, it was now totally removed because the documents preserved in the archives bore the official British seal. Housed in the world's most prestigious library, they were signed by no one less than the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India. What more proof could one ask for?
While reading certain portions of these documents, I found myself staggering with disbelief. I could not believe the facts that were staring me in the face. Often I was compelled to close the files and go out for a cup of coffee, before taking courage to look at that bitter truth. To give the devil its due, one cannot help admiring British loyalty which stopped at nothing to ensure maximum benefit for their country. Although it was difficult to accept the unscrupulousness with which these rational and educated people protected the Empire, yet one could not help admire them for their straightforward rendering of the truth. There was neither bias towards their own kind nor malice towards others. One by one they stripped every one, friends, companions, and fellow-conspirators, to reveal the truth. They did not mince words in describing all the underhand tasks they assigned to their native lackeys. They appeared unconcerned about what would happen if these documents became known to the Indian people and the masks of their so called leaders were ripped off. The Indian public would be aghast if they realized that these pious leaders and patriots were trafficking in the integrity of their own country, and were the country's enemy number one, besides being traitors and agents of the British Government. The British sense of fair-play did not take any of these factors into consideration.
My study of twenty years of correspondence [from 1922-1942] between the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India revealed that the earlier study I had made of books and diaries pertaining to the subject was futile. Every detail of the policy was clearly stated in these secret documents which I was now reading. The anti-USSR policy of the British was staring me in the face; all doubts and misgivings were thus removed. What caused me tremendous embarrassment was the account of incidents which revealed the character of the leaders of the country. The worst offenders by far were Muslim Leaguers. The allegations leveled against them by the Congress and or Badshah Khan were a fraction of what I found on record in these British documents.
After considerable reflection I made my final decision. The purpose of my book is to give an honest account of the struggle of Badshah Khan and his true followers, the Khudai Khidmatgars. For this purpose these documents were invaluable. Their contents could rip the veil from his enemies’ faces, especially those who used Islam as a means for strengthening the British imperialism and their colonial regime. This would exonerate Badshah Khan and send his opponents to hell. My purpose, however, was not to malign anyone in particular, but to reveal the true spirit of patriotism underlying our struggle. I want to stop the dirty, filthy rumour-politics which was corrupting the psyche of innocent and devout Muslims. In our country, Muslims have always been denied access to truth and historical evidence. Luckily, however, history has a way of revealing itself sooner or later, no matter how much effort is made to camouflage it with pretty untruths. Just as a diamond glimmers even when buried in kimberlite, so also does truth ultimately emerge! Time has proved the inevitability of this process.
As I have said before, the purpose of writing all this is not to insult anyone but simply to narrate the truth. Concealing truth based on historical evidence is a sin. Having felt so shaken at the facts I uncovered, I wondered how those "true believers in God and the Prophet" would have felt who claimed that they had staked everything for religion! I would have overlooked many shortcomings of the Muslim League, had they been honest about their loyalties. If they liked the British regime, they should have openly supported it. But I cannot condone their heinous act of supporting the imperialist, arrogant, and, above all, the infidel British rule, while hiding behind the veneer of Islam.Historical facts should be revealed with complete candour so that tomorrow Muslims know better than to trust these Judases. Before enlisting with any leader, Muslims should ensure that they are, once again, not being led down the garden path. The truth is sometimes bitter, but the events recorded in this book will enlighten many misinformed, misguided persons. As the British love to say, 'This is just to put the record straight." I do not consider it necessary to inform my readers of my political point of view; it is perfectly obvious. But I want to assure them that the documents, upon which the facts narrated here arc based, are lodged in the India Office Library, London. Whosoever wishes to verify is welcome to read the originals. Meanwhile, I will attempt to prove all my statements.
I wrote originally in Pashto. This was translated into Urdu by my wife, Nasim, which in turn is now being presented in English. I must thank Dr Syeda Saiyidain Hameed for the pains she took over this task. She has preserved the essence of my own writing most admirably.
WALI KHAN
12th July, 1987
Walibagh, Charsadda,
District Peshawar.
These circumstances compelled me to record historical facts, documenting each detail, so that, if not this generation, at least future generations would not be denied access to the truth. I was trying to reveal the true spirit of our political ideology. In my capacity as a member of his political caravan, I felt the inner compulsion to present to my people the truth behind Badshah Khan's Khudai Khidmatgar movement and its struggle for freedom. I used several books and memoirs as documentary evidence for my statements and contentions. And by force of intellect plus the strength of my political upbringing I hope I have proved the truth behind the Pashtu proverb that whatsoever is yellow, round, and sour, is unmistakably a grapefruit!
After having served one prison term under Bhutto, I arrived in London. First there were medical problems which required attention. I then found time to browse through some of the London libraries…. I soon discovered that certain top-secret and highly confidential documents had been placed in the India Office Library, London. According to British law, after the lapse of a 30-year period, every document becomes public property. Therefore, there is no restriction upon reading or making Xerox copies of these highly confidential papers. For some time I had been in search of concrete evidence to support the main contention of this book. It pleased me no end to find what I was looking for; and I have no doubt that based on that evidence, those who read this book will agree that Badshah Khan's politics, and the Khudai Khidmatgar Movement was a thorn in the British flesh. The British wanted to preserve their Empire, no matter what the cost. For this it was essential that the internal freedom movements be nipped in the bud.
It was evident to the British that the Indian National Congress was spearheading the internal freedom movements. The Congress represented all the religious groups in the country; Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians or Parsis, anyone could obtain its membership. The British policy was to support other movements in the country with a view to loosening the Congress grip. On the other hand, there was the matter of India's strategic natural location. Surrounded on three sides by vast oceans, its north was protected by the ramparts of the Himalayan range; a few natural passes were the only means of entering the country by land. The fact that those passes linked the country with the USSR posed the only real danger and threat. It was evident that the Khudai Khidmatgars were being clobbered because they refused to succumb to any of the British strategies. First, it was important to understand the genesis of the Anglo-Russian relationship. Therefore, I began my research by examining the archival manuscripts of the Department of External Affairs.
During the Russian revolution of 1917 when the world witnessed its first ideological state, the British Government devised various strategies to curb its growth. As a matter of routine, the British Viceroy in India used to send his weekly report to the Secretary of State for India in Britain. In return, the Secretary dispatched the government policy, pertaining to India, through a weekly courier service. I had a hunch that my problem might be resolved if I could lay my hands on the correspondence that was exchanged between India and Britain, during the months following the death of Lenin. I felt that these dispatches would contain the key to the change in British policy vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. What I discovered in those documents was far beyond my expectations! For, along with their foreign policy documents, I found detailed analyses of the internal affairs of India. I had never really believed the allegations of my elders, who often accused the British of using the most underhand tactics to promote their policies. Having witnessed the lifelong suffering of Badshah Khan which was always attributed to the treatment he and his loyal followers received, I began to suspect that Badshah Khan's hatred for the British was a biased emotion. To blame them for their excesses against him and his men, was understandable, but to hold them responsible for everything that ever went wrong was absurd.... The Congress blamed Britain for creating communal hatred in the country in order to perpetuate their imperialist policies and strengthen their vice-like hold. I often heard them referred to as the bastards who bit the very hand that had fed them for well over one hundred years. The spark they created became a forest fire of communalism. No one, not even the authors-of the crime, could find a means of quenching the flame. Having listened to these diatribes of my elders, I always attributed them to a common human fallacy whereby one's own shortcomings are laid at the doorstep of whoever is perceived as the "common enemy".
I did, however, believe that there was an underlying element of truth in the views of the Congress and Badshah Khan. But never could I imagine that their allegations were only a pale reflection of the truth; the truth was uglier. Their mischief exceeded our wildest imagination. Badshah Khan's and Congress’ allegations were far short of the truth. If there was the slightest doubt earlier, it was now totally removed because the documents preserved in the archives bore the official British seal. Housed in the world's most prestigious library, they were signed by no one less than the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India. What more proof could one ask for?
While reading certain portions of these documents, I found myself staggering with disbelief. I could not believe the facts that were staring me in the face. Often I was compelled to close the files and go out for a cup of coffee, before taking courage to look at that bitter truth. To give the devil its due, one cannot help admiring British loyalty which stopped at nothing to ensure maximum benefit for their country. Although it was difficult to accept the unscrupulousness with which these rational and educated people protected the Empire, yet one could not help admire them for their straightforward rendering of the truth. There was neither bias towards their own kind nor malice towards others. One by one they stripped every one, friends, companions, and fellow-conspirators, to reveal the truth. They did not mince words in describing all the underhand tasks they assigned to their native lackeys. They appeared unconcerned about what would happen if these documents became known to the Indian people and the masks of their so called leaders were ripped off. The Indian public would be aghast if they realized that these pious leaders and patriots were trafficking in the integrity of their own country, and were the country's enemy number one, besides being traitors and agents of the British Government. The British sense of fair-play did not take any of these factors into consideration.
My study of twenty years of correspondence [from 1922-1942] between the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India revealed that the earlier study I had made of books and diaries pertaining to the subject was futile. Every detail of the policy was clearly stated in these secret documents which I was now reading. The anti-USSR policy of the British was staring me in the face; all doubts and misgivings were thus removed. What caused me tremendous embarrassment was the account of incidents which revealed the character of the leaders of the country. The worst offenders by far were Muslim Leaguers. The allegations leveled against them by the Congress and or Badshah Khan were a fraction of what I found on record in these British documents.
After considerable reflection I made my final decision. The purpose of my book is to give an honest account of the struggle of Badshah Khan and his true followers, the Khudai Khidmatgars. For this purpose these documents were invaluable. Their contents could rip the veil from his enemies’ faces, especially those who used Islam as a means for strengthening the British imperialism and their colonial regime. This would exonerate Badshah Khan and send his opponents to hell. My purpose, however, was not to malign anyone in particular, but to reveal the true spirit of patriotism underlying our struggle. I want to stop the dirty, filthy rumour-politics which was corrupting the psyche of innocent and devout Muslims. In our country, Muslims have always been denied access to truth and historical evidence. Luckily, however, history has a way of revealing itself sooner or later, no matter how much effort is made to camouflage it with pretty untruths. Just as a diamond glimmers even when buried in kimberlite, so also does truth ultimately emerge! Time has proved the inevitability of this process.
As I have said before, the purpose of writing all this is not to insult anyone but simply to narrate the truth. Concealing truth based on historical evidence is a sin. Having felt so shaken at the facts I uncovered, I wondered how those "true believers in God and the Prophet" would have felt who claimed that they had staked everything for religion! I would have overlooked many shortcomings of the Muslim League, had they been honest about their loyalties. If they liked the British regime, they should have openly supported it. But I cannot condone their heinous act of supporting the imperialist, arrogant, and, above all, the infidel British rule, while hiding behind the veneer of Islam.Historical facts should be revealed with complete candour so that tomorrow Muslims know better than to trust these Judases. Before enlisting with any leader, Muslims should ensure that they are, once again, not being led down the garden path. The truth is sometimes bitter, but the events recorded in this book will enlighten many misinformed, misguided persons. As the British love to say, 'This is just to put the record straight." I do not consider it necessary to inform my readers of my political point of view; it is perfectly obvious. But I want to assure them that the documents, upon which the facts narrated here arc based, are lodged in the India Office Library, London. Whosoever wishes to verify is welcome to read the originals. Meanwhile, I will attempt to prove all my statements.
I wrote originally in Pashto. This was translated into Urdu by my wife, Nasim, which in turn is now being presented in English. I must thank Dr Syeda Saiyidain Hameed for the pains she took over this task. She has preserved the essence of my own writing most admirably.
WALI KHAN
12th July, 1987
Walibagh, Charsadda,
District Peshawar.
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